The Scum at the Top
Commentary on the Rats in Washington
Once Upon a Principle
By Anna Quindlen
Newsweek
© April 28, 2008
Page 64
There was a time when John McCain had positions.
Then he ran for president, and everything was
suddenly up for grabs.
Barack Obama morphed in the public mind from populist to
elitist with one ill-wrought comment about guns and faith
and the "bitter" working class. Hillary Clinton responded
by improbably re-creating herself as the kind of woman who
knows her way around a shot glass and a rifle. But neither
Democrat can match the transformation of the Republican
candidate, who is running for president by turning his back
on much of what he once was.
What John McCain really stands for came up most recently
in light of his position on abortion. Planned Parenthood
commissioned a survey showing that more than half of those
women polled don't know much about McCain's stance, and a
quarter of those who are in favor of keeping abortion legal
mistakenly think the senator agrees.
That confusion may be because McCain has sometimes seemed
confused as well. In 1999, during a campaign swing through
California, he challenged conservative orthodoxy and said
he did not support overturning Roe v. Wade, the Supreme
Court decision that found a constitutional right to abortion.
He explained that a reversal could lead some women to undergo
illegal and dangerous operations.
This is just the sort of nuanced position that has led to
the widespread notion of McCain as maverick. But it didn't
last long. After the right went nuts, McCain backtracked
and said he did favor the repeal of Roe, adding, however,
that it might lead to dangerous illegal abortions. A day
later, his campaign issued a "clarification," and by that
time McCain was saying that if elected president he would
actually work to overturn the court's decision. Any concern
over the effects of illegal abortions disappeared overnight
in the cold clear light of must-win.
What's interesting about all this is not the flip-flopping.
All pols flip-flop: if they're Republicans, they describe
it as "evolving," and if they're Democrats, they get
pounded for it. (If either Clinton or Obama had followed
the trajectory described above on an important issue,
it would be running on a continuous loop around the
digital news wire in Times Square.) And McCain's voting
record on abortion is clear. He has a zero lifetime
rating from the Planned Parenthood Action Fund because
of his opposition to, among other things, family-planning
funding and sex education. When benighted friends used to
suggest that McCain was a stealth moderate, I urged them
to look at his voting record, which was about as moderate
as Strom Thurmond's.
But now even his record has become irrelevant, since
to become the front runner McCain has jettisoned many
of his past positions. The Bush tax cuts: McCain voted
against them as a senator, but now says he would make
them permanent as president. Immigration: he cosponsored
a bill in 2005 to make it easier for those in the country
illegally to become citizens, but now says that if his
own bill—his own bill!—came to a vote on the Senate floor,
he would vote against it. After Columbine, he called for
more gun control; after Virginia Tech, he said more gun
control was unnecessary.
Sen. James Webb has been trying to nail McCain down on
a revamped GI Bill that would fund education for veterans.
But the closest McCain has come to a position is to say
he needs to examine it more closely. Both Obama and
Clinton support the bill, and it's fair to assume that
neither senator has any more leisure time than McCain.
If the point is that the Republican candidate is incapable
of multitasking, that's something he might want to lick
before he becomes president, a job in which, to paraphrase
the White Queen from "Alice in Wonderland," a person is
often asked to tackle six impossible things before
breakfast. Or maybe it's just safer not to take a
position than to take one, to try to be all things to
all people by being nothing at all.
This is completely at odds with the patented McCain persona,
the alleged guy who speaks his mind without fear or favor.
His notorious irascibility is often mistaken for principled
candor, but experience teaches that McCain's principles
remain consistent now only when they appear to lead to
the West Wing. Sadly, no one understands better the
personal cost of such pandering. In 2000 he was asked
about the Confederate battle flag, which flew from the
capitol dome in South Carolina. McCain first called it a
"symbol of racism and slavery," then backed off with a
"clarification" that described it as a "symbol of heritage."
Later he admitted, "I feared that if I answered honestly,
I could not win the South Carolina primary. So I chose
to compromise my principles."
He has done that over and over during this race. The
Straight Talk Express is all over the road. There are
those optimists who like to believe that once elected,
McCain would again emerge as a small-government progressive
who would set his own course. But it is the greatest of
illusions to believe that a man will masquerade to win,
then revert to his authentic self—after all, there is
always another election coming. "Important principles
may, and must be, inflexible," said Abraham Lincoln. Or
maybe this says it best: "I wanted them to think me still
an honest man, who simply had to cut a corner a little
here and there so that I could go on to be an honest
president." That's from McCain's 2002 memoir, but perhaps
there's been a "clarification" issued since.
URL: http://www.newsweek.com/id/132860
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October 21, 2008